The Concept Of Banal Nationalism

The Concept Of Banal Nationalism I will begin this essay with introducing some sociologists view on nationalism. Ronald Rogowski (1985 cited in Billig, 1995:43) viewed nationalism as the striving by members of nations for territorial autonomy, unity and independence. Anthony Giddens mentioned nationalism as a phenomenon which is primarily psychological (1985, p.116; see also Giddens, 1987, p.178 cited in Billig, 1995:44). According to his view, nationalism happens when normal life is disturbed (Billig, 1995:44). He thought that nationalist feeling are not so much a part of regular day-to-day social life (1985, p.215 cited in Billig, 1995:44), but tend to be fairly remote from most of the activities of day-to-day social life; he thought that ordinary life is affected by nationalist sentiments only in fairly unusual and often relatively transitory conditions (p.218 cited in Billig, 1995:44). According to the writing of Michael Ignatieff, nationalism was being described as dangerous, emotional and the property of other s (Billig, 1995:46). There are different real life examples that support the idea of banal nationalism: According to the Day Survey, journalists and politicians usually adopt the phrase the nation (Achard, 1993 cited in Billig, 1995:116). It leads the readers to assume a story is happened in the homeland, unless the contrary is introduced in the topic or first paragraph of the story (Billig, 1995:116). For the weather section of the British press, Billig mentions that the notion of the weather implies a national deixis, which is routinely repeatedà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦the reports tend to be similar and contain a map of Britain, which is not actually labeled as Britain: the shape of the national geography is presumed to be recognizable (Billig, 1995:116-117). Also, the maps showing the weather in Europe and the north Atlantic in Telegraph, Guardian, Independent and The Times always put the British Isles in a central location (Billig, 1995:117). Billig also discovered that there was much more national news than i nternational news being mentioned in the British press (Billig, 1995:117). Fowler claimed this phenomenon as the homocentrism of the press, which is a preoccupation with countries, societies and individuals perceived to be like oneself (1991, p.16 cited in Billig, 1995:118). By reading the British Press on a day-to-day basis people are being mindlessly reminded that Britain meant to be the centre of worlds nations to them which things happening locally within the Britain are important to them. The peoples sense of belonging to Britain may be unconsciously enhanced through this daily practice of reading the British press. This example in line with the concept of banal nationalism which reveals that national identity is nothing natural but is socially constructed and maintained through daily activities such as reading a newspaper. In addition to the example of the British press, there was a research carried out on the Turkish Press that supports the idea of banal nationalism: thirteen out of thirty-eight Turkish newspapers used the Turkish flag or slogans such as Turkey for the Turk, The new newspaper of new Turkey or the map of Turkey as their logos which directly or indirectly remind the Turkish people of their national identity (Yumul ÃÆ'-zkirimli, 2000:789). The unimaginative repetitive act of the Turkish newspapers which act as a continuous, albeit barely conscious, reminders of the nationhood; they are equal to the unwave flag which unmindfully reminding the Turkish of their national identity and homeland (Yumul ÃÆ'-zkirimli, 2000:790). Seventy-six per cent of the Turkish newspapers divided the local news and the foreign news; domestic news items are classified under subject headings and do not carry a specific caption like Home News (Yumul ÃÆ'-zkirimli, 2000:790). The Turkish Newspapers usually us e an unlabelled map of Turkey to report the weather which reinforce and naturalize at the level of the unconscious the geographical shape of the homeland which the reader has encountered countless times in the course of his lifetime (Yumul ÃÆ'-zkirimli, 2000:790). We can also notice the banal nationalism through the sport news on the Turkish press. For instance, Fanatik, after reporting the victory of the 14-16 age-group team of Galatasaray over the Dutch Ajax quotes the managers of Galatasaray: Let them learn from us, instead of us taking them as examples (Yumul ÃÆ'-zkirimli, 2000:800). This example of the Turkish press demonstrates that banal nationalism is taking place in different nations. The slogans, imbalance amount of local news and foreign news, style of weather reports, and content of the sport news of the Turkish press creates a sense of us and them between our nation- Turkey and others- the foreign nations. The readers will be unconsciously reminded about their natio nal identity- Turkish. This example once again reveals socially constructed characteristic of the national identity. Example that supports banal nationalism can also be found among the Scottish Newspapers: Daily Record a Scottish tabloid, which its masthead was stated as Your Papers-Made in Scotland; and also Scotlands Champion, which ensemble unambiguously fixes the centre of its social and spatial deictric and evokes the Record as the defender of the Scottish nation (Law, 2001:306). There are far more examples that supporting the idea of banal nationalism in our daily life. For instance, the content and style of TV proagrammes, content of TV news reports, the words used by the politicians, and the name of road signs, etc. Nation reveals the sense of a we travelling together through time, acting collectively in our own space, with a common fate (Anderson, 1983 cited in Wetherell Potter, 1992:141). The people of a nation contain an idea of national character, a set of personality traits and attitudes which people share in common, distinct from others, such as the Australians and British, and it constructs a framework of rituals, icons, anthems and flags (Wetherell Potter, 1992:141). The national identity is then a persons sense or feeling of belonging to a nation. Banal nationalism contributes to the understanding of the national identity in many ways. For instance, it challenges the social identity theory: social identity theory suggests that conflict can occur where the ingroup has absolutely nothing to gain from competing with the outgroup; Tajfel believes that having identification with a group will increase self-esteem; and so national identity helps us to find meaning in our lives (Houghton, 200 9:171-172). Billig doesnt agree with this theory because he thinks that it fails to grasp how the social category of national identity is actually constituted, and why it persists; basic to Billigs argument is that such identities are not cognitive schemata, but rather patterns of practice and habit built into the material and social environment; We do not just adopt such social categories because they fill certain psychological needs, we adapt to a social environment that renders these categories real and imperative (cf. Eagleton 1991: 40 cited in Hearn, 2007:660-661). Banal nationalism demonstrates that a person who adopts a national identity is through consistent learning and seeing perhaps mindlessly and routinely that build his or her sense of belonging to a particular nation but not like what has been claimed by the social identity theory that a person adopts a particular national identity is because of the innate need psychologically. Another contribution of banal nationalism is that it challenges the concept of things about nationalism and national identity are far away from what ordinary people can reach or experience in a steady established Western nation. Instead, it reveals that many ordinary people are experiencing nationalism in their everyday life but just in another form from what they expected. In addition, the theory challenges the supposed dichotomy between our civilised societies and their violent ones (Skey, 2009:334). Local people within a nation usually deny they are nationalist or nationalism but point these things to the people in other nations because they usually see nationalism as something negative, dynamic, emotional which I mentioned in the previous part of the essay. However, the theory of banal nationalism reveals that nationalism is actually crucial for them to form and reform their national identities nowadays. Banal nationalism also draws our attention to the ongoing production of a hegemonic discourse whose power comes from being seen as natural, taken-for-granted, common sense (Sutherland, 2005: 196 cited in Skey, 2009:334); which in line with what Jan Penrose has claimed: our acceptance of nations as natural divisions of the global territory and population is essential to the maintenance of the existing geopolitical order (Penrose, 1994: 161-81 cited in Skey, 2009:334). The concept of banal nationalism once again reminds us that the divisions of the worlds nations are not happened naturally and neither the adoption of our national identities. However, on the other hand, there are different critiques to the idea of banal nationalism which may undermine the value of this theory: Mirca Madianou (2005) claimed that take account of media theory which has long argued that audiences cannot simply be seen as either coherent or empty vessels that uncritically absorb the media messages that they encounter (cf Abercrombie and Longhurst, 1998; Gillespie, 2005 cited in Skey, 2009:336). It challenges that people who receive the messages from the newspapers, TV programmes, TV news, etc are not homogenous in terms of mind-set or perception toward different ideas. Different people will interpret and react differently when they receive the messages from the banal signifiers. For instance, people from different social class and political background will think differently. The concept of banal nationalism ignores the complexity of the audiences within a nation. There is also a critique that claiming Billig has commit to problems of assuming a settled and largely benign socio-political landscape even in what Billig has labelled as established, democratic nations(1995:93 cited in Skey, 2009:337). Jackie Abell et al. challenge the idea that any modern states are stable in the sense of being unchallenged over time, or lacking in internal tensions or external challenges is highly questionable and as such should be critically evaluated in terms of its ideological function (Abell et al., 2006: 208 cited in Skey, 2009:337). The political and social situation of a nation could be far unstable and worse than Billig has expected even in a developed nation. To conclude, the argument of this essay demonstrated the importance and contribution of the theory of banal nationalism for understanding national identity in both the social and political aspects. However, in my opinion, its value might have been declining and continue to decline in the future. Apart from the reasons of the above critiques and limitation, to certain extent it is also because of the improvement of technologies and process of globalization. The relationship between the media and the nation is being made ever more complex through the widespread use of the internet (Eriksen, 2007 cited in Skey, 2009:336), satellite broadcasting (Madianou, 2005 cited in Skey, 2009:336), mobile phones etc; It means that people in a nation have more choices to receive various information from other part of the world but not just from the national-operated media. Besides, globalization will also enhance the mobility, fluidity, and movement of people. These factors may increase the complexit y of audiences in a nation since there are more different groups of people in terms of ethnicity, culture, gender, etc gather in different nations. These different groups of people may interpret and react differently from the banal signifiers and perceive themselves as having different national identities from the others.

Government debt Essay

When hearing the word â€Å"debt† many individuals may cringe to the sound of the word. The United States debt has increased tremendously in the past few years with a record 10.7 trillion in 2008. The debt continues to grow year after year making taxpayers poorer and foreign holders of the United States bonds richer. The more increase on expenditures and less GDP the United States generates will cause interest rates to go up to pay for bonds exchanges. Future generations will not be able to carry on the burden of debt because lack of knowledge and not enough time to decrease it. The Introduction of Debt Burden Debt Burden can be a stressful issue nowadays. When one think about debt burden one will simply think of it as money owed to a person, company, or country. The Economic definition is the cost of servicing debt. Debt burden affects consumers and countries. The consumer debt can come from house mortgages, interest rates, credit cards, loans, and bad investments. A country debt burden is the cost of servicing the public debt. A country debt burden may be caused by Social Security or state retirement programs and can cause imports to be more expensive, higher taxes, and cost 25% of The United States debt to be held abroad making The United States liable for external interest transfers (â€Å"Economics Help Helping To Simplify Economics,† 2013). Also countries can be in debt with one another. Government Debt and Individual Debt The government has suffered years of long-term debt because of budget deficits and the rising of the federal debt in relation to the GDP. Four factors contribute to government debt. One factor is contributed by the economic choice of spending. The growth in the government’s debt is not driven by assistance from foreign countries, funding, or defense as politicians suggest, but by its choice of entitlement spending. The unrestricted spending has declined as a share of the GDP over the years, whereas entitlement spending has increased. Second, consolidation is sought by decreasing government spending, and economic restructuring worldwide effectively has reduced debt-to-GDP ratio. An example is compared to the United States where there is little emphasis on spending restraint. Third, the choice of increasing revenue by increasing the taxes on the wealthy have only a minimal affect on the economy. The income tax is not organized well enough to gain much revenue. Finally, the United States can maintain the economy’s safety net, which without breaking the financial bank by changing its notion on entitlements. This can be done by reducing social security’s unfunded liabilities and gradually increasing the age, which benefits are collected, and slow the benefit growth for those Americans who better off. Individual (consumer) debt is debt used to fund spending rather than savings. This includes debts that incur based on purchasing goods, which are not consumable, or those that cannot appreciate. The most common source of consumer debt is credit cards, payday loans, and other consumer finance with high interest rates. There are also consumer debts known as long- term, which is considered useful investments, such as homes or automobiles (consumer goods), which are usually not considered a consumer debt, for example, a television set. America’s Debt to Income Ratio as Compared with Other Countries Every time a conversation flare up there is always a conversation about how bad the United States economy. This appears to be a false statement about the economy because the citizen of America is still living above their mean. American always has been the scapegoat when the economy is looking bad. American Citizen acted surprise when the statistics came out for the comparison of the United States against the other nations. The international Monetary Fund is very accuracy because of the market research done by the financial analysis. The International Monetary Fund is used to measure the 10 wealthiest nations in the world (in terms of GDP). The United States came in first and Japan was second, followed by Germany, China, United Kingdom, France, Italy, Spain, Canada, and Brazil. Usually the nation that produce the more GDP is the nation that spend more to make up this GDP. The same goes to individual, the more they make, the more they spend out in the economy. There are many factors to consider for a nation debit, which include the sum of the citizen’s outstanding consumer debit and any other financial factors and also included loans, trade deficits, and budget deficits. United States, United Kingdom, Germany, France, Italy, Netherlands, Span, Ireland, Japan, and Switzerland are the 10 top debtor in the nation, this came from the CIA World Fact book. Interest Rates and Debt Burden The United States debt burden has become so large that their interest costs on an annual basis have outgrown their Gross National Product (GNP). Their debt problem at some point will be a problem for the American people, either through cuts in social and government programs or higher tax burdens for the younger generation. The majority of interest is paid to treasury notes and bond, foreign domestic notes and bonds, state and local government securities, and savings bonds. Continuing to increase the debt without taking in matching revenue will have an enormous impact on their debt burden, recession recovery, and economic growth. Projections for the Deflict The projection for the deficit by the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) is expected to fall to $845 billion this year. In the last five years, this is the first reading that fell under $1 trillion. The CBO estimates that the deficit for 2014 falls to $616 billion and $430 billion in 2015. The CBO also assumes that unemployment rates for 2013 would be 8%, and are expected to decrease by .4% in 2014. The estimation by the CBO for the GDP growth is 1.4% in 2013, which is assumed to accelerate to 3.4% by 2014. . Reference America’s Debt to Income Ratio as Compared with Other Countrieshttp://www.creditloan.com/blog/americans-debt-to-income-ratio-as- compared-with-other-countries Colander, D. C. (2010). Macroeconomics (8th ed.). Retrieved from https://ecampus.phoenix.edu/content/eBookLibrary2/content/TOC.aspx?assetdataid=84a83693-c978-4618-8727-3b6fb4d93aaa&assetmetaid=95e16f89-76ec-4d53-a7da-699aabdb7cfa Economics Help Helping To Simplify Economics. (2013). Retrieved from http://www.economicshelp.org/dictionary/d/debt-burden-ratios.html Eleven O’clock Associates, LLC . (2013). Retrieved from http://current-economic-conditions- effect-savings-and-investment-plans-global-inflation-or-deflation Ro, S. (2013, February 5). Business Insider. Retrieved from http://www.businessinsider.com/cbo-budget-and-economic-outlook-2013-2 Still on the Cliff. (2013). Retrieved from http://corp.bankofamerica.com/business/bi/perspective/resource?p_a_id=668579&g_id=10157&cm_mmc=GCB-Integrated-_-Google-PS-_-government%20debt-_-May%202013%20-%20Still%20on%20a%20Cliff%20-%20Gov.%20Spending%20-%20Phrase

Force Bill An Early Battle of Federal vs. States’ Rights

The Force Bill was a law passed by the United States Congress that temporarily gave the President of the United States the power to use the U.S. military to enforce the collection of federal import duties in states that refused to pay them. Enacted on March 22, 1833, at the prompting of President Andrew Jackson, the bill was intended to force the state of South Carolina to comply with a series of federal tariff laws that had been opposed by Vice President John C. Calhoun. Passed in hopes of resolving the Nullification Crisis of 1832, the Force Bill was the first federal law to officially deny the individual states the right to disregard or override federal laws or to secede from the Union. Key Takeaways: Force Bill of 1833 The Force Bill, enacted on March 2, 1833, authorized the president of the United States to use the U.S. military to enforce federal laws. More specifically, it had the goal of forcing South Carolina to pay federal import tariffs.The bill was passed in response to the Nullification Crisis of 1832, when South Carolina issued a nullification ordinance allowing the state to ignore a federal law if it deemed it damaging to its interests.To diffuse the crisis and avoid military intervention, Henry Clay and Vice President John C. Calhoun introduced the Compromise Tariff of 1833, which gradually but significantly reduced the tariff rates imposed on the southern states. Nullification Crisis The Nullification Crisis of 1832-33 arose after the legislature of South Carolina declared that tariff laws enacted by the U.S. federal government in 1828 and 1832 were unconstitutional, null and void, and thus unenforceable within the state. By 1833, South Carolina had been particularly harmed by the U.S. economic downturn of the 1820s. Many of the state’s politicians blamed South Carolina’s financial ills on the Tariff of 1828—the so-called â€Å"Tariff of Abominations†Ã¢â‚¬â€intended to protect American manufacturers from their European competitors. South Carolina’s lawmakers expected incoming president Andrew Jackson, a presumed champion of states’ rights, to greatly reduce the tariff. When Jackson failed to do so, the state’s most radical politicians successfully pressed for passage of legislation overriding the federal tariff law. The resulting Ordinance of Nullification also held the threat that South Carolina would secede from the Union if the federal government tried to enforce the collection of tariffs. In Washington, the crisis drove a wedge between Jackson and his vice president, John C. Calhoun, a native South Carolinian and vocal believer in the theory that the U.S. Constitution allowed the states to nullify federal laws under certain circumstances. â€Å"An Act further to provide for the collection of duties on imports† Far from supporting or at least accepting South Carolina’s defiance of federal law, President Jackson considered its Ordinance of Nullification to be the equivalent of an act of treason. In a draft of his â€Å"Proclamation to the People of South Carolina† delivered on December 10, 1832, Jackson urged the state’s lawmakers, â€Å"Rally again under the banners of the union whose obligations you in common with all your countrymen have,† asking them, â€Å"Can (you) †¦ consent to become Traitors? Forbid it, Heaven.† Along with the unlimited power to order the closure of ports and harbors, the Force Bill more significantly authorized the president to deploy the U.S. Army to South Carolina to enforce federal laws. The functional provisions of the bill include: Section 1: Enforces the collection of federal import duties by authorizing the president to close ports and harbors; to order the detention of cargo vessels in ports and harbors, and to use armed forces to prevent the unauthorized removal of untaxed vessels and cargo. Section 2: Extends the jurisdiction of the federal courts to include cases involving federal revenue collections and allows persons suffering losses in revenue cases to sue for recovery in court. It also declares all property seized by federal customs collectors to be the property of the law until legally disposed of by the courts, and makes it a criminal misdemeanor to possess property subject to seizure by customs officers. Section 5: Essentially outlaws secession by authorizing the president to use whatever â€Å"military and other force† necessary to suppress all forms of insurrection or civil disobedience within the states and to enforce the execution of all federal laws, policies, and processes within the states. Section 6: Prohibits the states from refusing to jail persons â€Å"arrested or committed under the laws of the United States† and authorizes U.S. marshals to jail such persons in â€Å"other convenient places, within the limits of said state.† Section 8: Is a â€Å"sunset clause,† providing that the â€Å"first and fifth sections of this act, shall be in force until the end of the next session of Congress, and no longer.† It should be noted that in 1878, Congress enacted the Posse Comitatus Act, which today prohibits the use of U.S. military forces to directly enforce federal laws or domestic policy inside the borders of the United States. The Compromise With the passage of the Force Bill, Henry Clay and John C. Calhoun sought to diffuse the Nullification Crisis before it escalated to the point of military intervention by introducing the Compromise Tariff of 1833. Enacted along with the Force Bill on March 2, 1833, the Tariff of 1833 gradually but significantly reduced the tariff rates that had been imposed on the southern states by the 1828 Tariff of Abominations and the Tariff of 1832. Satisfied with the Compromise Tariff, the South Carolina legislature repealed its Nullification Ordinance on March 15, 1833. However, on March 18, it voted to nullify the Force Bill as a symbolic expression of state sovereignty. The Compromise Tariff had ended the crisis to the satisfaction of both parties. However, the rights of the states to nullify or ignore federal law would again become controversial during the 1850s as slavery spread into the western territories. While the Force Bill had rejected the idea that the states could nullify federal law or secede from the Union, both issues would arise as central differences leading up to the American Civil War. Sources and Further Reference â€Å"Force Bill of 1833: March 2, 1883.† (Full Text). Ashbrook Center for Public Affairs at Ashbrook College. â€Å"South Carolina Ordinance of Nullification, November 24, 1832.† Yale Law School. Taussig, F.W. (1892). â€Å"The Tariff History of the United States (Part I).† Teaching American History.org Remini, Robert V. â€Å"The Life of Andrew Jackson.† Harper-Collins Publishers, 2001. ISBN-13: 978-0061807886.

John F. Kennedy s Accomplishments Essay - 1532 Words

The campaign for President in 1960s was one of the closest races between two candidates. In the end, John F. Kennedy, the Democratic nominee, had only been elected by a one-tenth of a percent margin against his Republican party opponent, Richard M. Nixon. John F. Kennedy had made specific decisions as the Democratic candidate that helped him leap to victory. Specifically, JFK’s performance during the first televised debate, decision to focus on key large states, Houston tape, and other decisions had overall led to him winning the election of 1960. On the other end, Nixon had made some inaccuracies and mistakes that cost him getting elected. Specifically, Nixon’s hospitalization, promise to visit all 50 states, performance and appearance on the first nationally viewed television and other errors are what led to JFK’s win. Because of Nixon’s and Kennedy’s decisions during the campaign of 1960, it would, after all, lead to JFK’s election. 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